Jewish World Review April
12, 2007 / 24 Nissan, 5767
It is usually silly to offer a single solution to complex problems.
But it's hard not to when looking at the serial savagery in Iran and the
Arab world.
Oil — the huge profits it provides and the insidious influence it gives
those selling it — explains most of the world's worries over the Middle
East.
No, that does not mean the United States is fighting in Iraq to get
control of its petroleum. For all the charges of "No blood for oil," the
American occupation has neither been able to reverse a decline in oil production
in Iraq nor alleviate skyrocketing oil prices worldwide. And, recently,
the first new contracts of the now-transparent Iraqi oil ministry went
to non-American companies.
What it does mean, though, is that the vast imported-petroleum needs
of the West, India and China, and the resulting huge profits that pour
into oil-exporting states, have super-sized the Middle East's problems.
Currently, much of the Islamic world is struggling to come to grips
with modernity and globalization. Yet while the West pays little attention
to disenchanted Muslims in India, Indochina or Malaysia, we focus our attention
on Iranian and Arab radicals. They alone, thanks to oil, have the cash
to fund jihadists and hate-filled madrassas.
The Palestinian problem illustrates this point. Since Israel's taking
of land after the 1967 war, much of the world has seen this issue as threatening
to regional and global peace.
Such old territorial disputes are, of course, common — and go relatively
unnoticed — throughout the world. Japan's Kurile Islands are still held
by Russia. Tibet has been absorbed by China. Nuclear Pakistan and nuclear
India fight over Kashmir. The list goes on.
Yet it's the anger over the tiny West Bank that in the past caused
the Arab patrons of the Palestinians to embargo oil to the West and create
long gas lines in Europe and America. As a result, a single suicide bomber
from Jericho earns more press than anonymous thousands slaughtered in Darfur.
Today, terrorists operate from East Timor to Peru. But global anxiety
has been continually focused on Middle Eastern terrorists, from the Palestinian
assassins and hijackers of the 1970s to al-Qaida's suicide bombers. These
killers alone have had the means to disrupt the Western way of life. Take
away Hezbollah's Iranian petrodollars and it could never afford weapons
and foot soldiers to slaughter Westerners in the Middle East and beyond.
An oil-rich Saddam Hussein was a threat only because he had purchased
more military hardware than is owned by most European powers -- and used
it to attack oil-exporting neighbors in a bid to control more of the world's
petroleum reserves.
In Iran, President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is confident that powerful nations
abroad will overlook his thuggery in hopes of getting a chance to buy his
country's oil -- or in worry that any tension would send world prices even
higher. Ahmadinejad also knows — and fears — that without supporting terrorists
or trying to acquire a nuclear bomb that he'd be just another tinhorn loudmouth
like Cuba's Fidel Castro or Zimbabwe's Robert Mugabe.
At the same time, vast oil profits do little to help — and probably
much to harm — Middle Eastern countries. Unlike in places where economic
achievement is the result of savvy business leaders, a hardworking labor
force and a literate public, tribal hierarchies in the Middle East simply
metamorphosed into billion-dollar nations by virtue of sitting atop crude
oil.
One result is a big inferiority complex in the Middle East. There is
always the fear that gas and oil reserves will dry up, leaving a Libya,
Iran or Saudi Arabia with as much global attention as a Chad or Bulgaria.
Another result is unstable societies. When nations acquire collective
wealth gradually through their own industry, a middle class can arise.
But in the Middle East, a few tribal and religious sects with oil are fabulously
wealthy; most everyone else is abjectly poor. Illegitimate monarchies and
jittery dictatorships — always in fear of coups, terrorists and revolutions
— depend upon oil-needy foreigners, trading scarce oil and endless petrodollars
for export goods and protection.
If the United States could curb its voracious purchases of foreign
oil by using conservation, additional petroleum production, nuclear power,
alternate fuels, coal gasification and new technologies, the world price
might return to below $40 a barrel.
That decline would dry up the oil profits of those in the Middle East
who now so desperately use them to ensure that their own problems must
also be the world's.
© 2007, TMS
Russian version