Monday, June 30, 2003 12:01 a.m. EDT
And what rough beast, its hour come at last,
Slouches toward Bethlehem to be born?
--W.B. Yeats
When, some years ago, Golda Meir contentiously remarked, "There are
no Palestinians," she was historically correct and evolutionally mistaken.
She was right because the people who had only recently begun to take on
the name "Palestinian" were ethnically and civilizationally Arab, part
of what the Arabs themselves were pleased to call, with the poetic resonance
of indivisibility, "the Arab Nation." Palestine, moreover, had its origin
as a term of malice, the Roman invaders' way of erasing Judea by naming
it after the Philistines who warred against the Jews. And like the Palestinians
today, who deny the ancient reality of the Jewish Temple on the Temple
Mount, the emperor Hadrian also had the distinction of reassigning the
history of Jerusalem; he dubbed it Aelia Capitolina, in honor of Jupiter.
Yet at the same time Golda Meir was mistaken: She declined to recognize
a growing sectarianism rooted not merely in the bitterness of contemporary
politics--the Arab war against the Jews--but far more comprehensively in
a particularized and developing cultism. Whether the Palestinians nowadays
constitute a cult or a sect or a nation within the greater Arab world is
scarcely to the point. They have become a nation in their own eyes--and,
with the blessings of the road map, internationally as well. Nevertheless
it is not the determination of political borders that makes a nation; a
nation is defined by its traits and usages, by its heroes and aspirations--in
short, by its culture.
History, in Benedetto Croce's formulation, "is about the positive and
not the negative." No one can refute the truth that the Palestinians have
fashioned a culture peculiarly their own--but one so steeped in the negative
as to have been turned into a kind of anti-history. In order to deprive
Jews of their patrimony, Palestinians have fabricated a sectarian narrative
alien to commonplace knowledge. Although the Arab invasion of Palestine
did not occur until the seventh century, Palestinian Arabs are declared
to be, according to activist Salah Jabr, "the descendants of civilizations
that have lived in this land since the Stone Age." With equal absurdity,
other such deniers of Jewish patrimony claim a Canaanite bloodline. By
replacing history with fantasy, the Palestinians have invented a society
unlike any other, where hatred trumps bread. They have reared children
unlike any other children, removed from ordinary norms and behaviors. And
they have been assisted in these deviations by Arab rulers who for half
a century have purposefully and pitilessly caged and stigmatized them as
refugees, down to the fourth generation. Refugeeism, abetted also by the
United Nations, has itself been joined to the Palestinian cult of anti-history.
A people respectful of history, including its own above all, will work
to fructify and invigorate life; it will not debase and vitiate it.
The salient attribute of any culture is originality and its legacies.
Genius, no matter how rare, is a human universal. It sends into the world
new perception and new experience, inspiring duplication: Out of Israel
came monotheism, out of Greece philosophy, out of Arab civilization science
and poetry, out of England the Magna Carta, out of France the Enlightenment.
What has been the genius of Palestinian originality, what has been the
contribution of the evolving culture of Palestinian sectarianism? On the
international scene: airplane hijackings and the murder of American diplomats
in the 1970s, Olympic slaughterings and shipboard murders in the 1980s.
And toward the Jews of the Holy Land, beginning in the 1920s and continuing
until this morning, terror, terror, terror, terror.
But the most ingeniously barbarous Palestinian societal invention,
surpassing any other in imaginative novelty, is the recruiting of children
to blow themselves up with the aim of destroying as many Jews as possible
in the most crowded sites accessible. These are not so much acts of anti-history
as they are, remarkably, instances of anti-instinct. The drive to live
is inherent: The very mite crawling on this sheet as I write hastens to
flee the point of my pen. The child who has been taught to die and to kill
from kindergarten on, via song and slogan in praise of bloodletting, represents
an inconceivable cultural ideal. And it is a cultural grotesquerie that
Dr. Abdel Aziz Rantisi, a pediatrician entrusted by his vocation with the
healing of children, is in fact a major recruiter of young suicide bombers.
(When his wife was asked by a neighbor why her husband did not outfit his
own teenage son in a bomber's vest, the good doctor instantly sent the
boy abroad.)
Confronted by this orgiastic deluge of fanaticism and death, there
are some who would apply the term psychopathological. But it is metaphysics,
not Freud, that is at stake: the life force traduced, cultism raised to
a sinister spiritualism--not because the "martyrs" are said to earn paradise,
but because extraordinary transformations of humane understanding are hounded
into being. A Palestinian ethos of figment and fantasy has successfully
infiltrated the West, particularly among intellectuals, who are always
seduced by novelty. We live now with an anti-history wherein cause and
effect are reversed, protection against attack is equated with the brutality
of attack, existential issues are demoted or ignored--"cycle of violence"
obfuscations all zealously embraced by the State Department and the European
Union.
The Road Map permits no contradiction to the Palestinians' emerging
nationhood. But if it is teachings and usages that characterize a nation,
then what rough beast, its hour come round at last, slouches out of Bethlehem
to be born?
Ms. Ozick, a novelist, is the author of "Quarrel & Quandary: Essays"
(Knopf, 2000).
The Wall Street Journal, Editorial Page
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